Photo of Congressman Romario

Romario: Ready to BOUM!

 

Photo of Brazilian football fans holding up banner

'Get out Teixeira!'

 

Photo of Ricardo Teixeira

Teixeira: Embezzler forced out

 

Photo of José Maria Marin

José Maria Marin: He's done something vile

 

1964 coup: Tanks on the street in Rio

 

Photo of Police chasing a protestor

1964 coup: Police chase a protestor

 

Photo of President Goulart welcoming home Pele and World Cup winning team

1962: President Goulart welcomes home Pele and World Cup winning team

 

1968: Generals destroy human rights

 

Dilma Rousseff: Tortured and jailed. Military judges hide their faces

 

The things they say...

‘Neither FIFA nor its President have anything to hide, nor do they wish to.’

Blatter press release, 28 January, 2003


BBC Panorama Reporter Andy Davies:

‘A one million franc bribe … is it not correct that Mr Blatter asked that it be moved to the FIFA official who was named on the payment slip?’

FIFA Director of Communications Markus Siegler:

‘If you do not stop now, then we call the security and we put you out.’

FIFA Press conference, Zurich, Tuesday, 11 April 2006


‘I am deputy chairman of the finance committee of FIFA. I oversee a budget of US$2 billion and I have never seen one iota of corruption.’

Jack Warner, Trinidad Express 12 December 2004


‘Lying and deception and bad faith are standard operating procedure at FIFA.’

Adam C. Silverstein, a lawyer for MasterCard in their successful action against FIFA, New York, December 1, 2006


‘I do not believe a Jew can ever be a referee at that level (Argentine Premier League) because it’s hard work and, you know, Jews don’t like hard work.’

FIFA senior vice-president and chair of Finance Committee, Julio Grondona, 5 July 2003. Buenos Aires


‘FIFA is a healthy, clean and transparent organisation with nothing to hide. There is huge public interest in FIFA, therefore we have to be as transparent as possible. We will try to communicate in a more open way so the world can believe us and be proud of their federation.’

FIFA General Secretary Urs Linsi, January 2003, on fifa.com


 

Did Brazil's football boss spark murder of ex-BBC journalist?

The blood-stained hands of José Maria Marin

 

By Andrew Jennings

 

Tuesday February 5, 2013

 

Brasilia, December 11, 2012: Congressman Romario slips quietly into the committee room. A hundred pairs of eyes follow the iconic Baixinho -  'Shorty' as he heads first towards the press benches. With both hands he clasps one of mine. 'Andrew Jennings, my friend, how are you today?'

 

He's on great form, light on his feet, relaxed, smiling, the glint in his eye signals that one of football's greatest goalscorers intends to net another one this morning. As ever, we the spectators won't see it coming, he doesn't do build-up, Romario just does it. Boum!

 

'All the better for seeing you, mate,' I reply. He laughs and walks away, weaving around the tables to take his seat among the members of the Sport and Tourism committee.

 

Romario is patient for a few minutes. Then the chairman on the podium throws him the ball, it's his turn to speak. He's not smiling now.

 

'People stop me in the street. They say, bring back Teixeira, this new guy is worse.'

 

In 16 words, he's turned on the ball and, Boum!

 

Marin: What's he done?

 

For 23 years Ricardo Teixeira embezzled millions of dollars from FIFA and the Brazilian national football association, the CBF. The BBC discovered documents proving his corruption, he was finally forced out of football nine months ago and the fans put away their 'Fora Teixeira' banners.

 

How can the new guy heading the CBF, 81-year-old José Maria Marin, possibly be worse? Sure he's deep in the looting of Brazilian football but Marin couldn't match Tricky Ricky's decades of thieving.

 

It's something off the pitch, something vile, something from the past, from the era of the military dictatorship. The rage is boiling up in São Paulo, demonstrators are on the streets outside José Maria Marin's home, there's anger in the papers, he's accused in the State Senate of having 'bloodstained hands.' What's he done?

 

* * * * * * * *

 

Belo Horizonte, March 31, 1964: In the early hours General Luís Carlos Guedes orders his tanks to roll. Superstitious, he refuses to wait a few more days; 'I never start anything serious when we have a crescent moon,' he tells his fellow plotters. Buffoons with more braid than brains, yes. Never led their troops into real battle where they might die, correct.

 

But the Generals had guns, aircraft, battleships and upright steel chairs plugged into the mains supply and were restless. It was fourteen years since they relinquished their last 20-year spell of military rule. They watched, horrified, as Leftist politicians were elected and free workers associations grew in strength.

 

Their friends in the CIA and the Pentagon didn't approve either. New President João Goulart was from a wealthy land-owning family but he was taxing foreign companies, limiting how much profit could be exported and planning to redistribute land. Education was being expanded, adult illiteracy tackled.

 

In those days the American Dream was a Latin America that bowed the knee to Washington. Independent foreign policies south of the border were not permitted. When President Goulart opposed sanctions on Castro's Cuba the White House dusted down their coup blueprint. Opposition groups were bankrolled.

 

Human rights extinguished

 

An aircraft carrier and destroyers carrying guided missiles sailed but weren't needed. It took the Generals only 72 hours to destroy democracy.

 

* * * * * * * *

 

Brasilia, December 13, 1968: The Generals took four years to get round to making a law – famously known as Institutional Act number 5 – that gave whoever happened to be their puppet president at the time the power to do any damn thing he wanted. The Congress was mothballed, most political parties banned and human rights extinguished. In passing, their censors were let loose on the press, music, films and theatre.

 

The Generals knowing they were illegitimate and facing popular hatred declared war against opponents. There was an even darker war that became known as Operation Bandeirantes – the OBAN – police and military officials secretly funded by Brazilian businessmen and American corporations, who paid bonuses to eradicate trade unionists in their factories.

 

These units tapped phones, kidnapped dissidents, interrogated, tortured and murdered political prisoners at will. In São Paulo their Death Squad was notorious.

 

In 1970 one of the thousands captured was a 22-year-old student, Dilma Rousseff,who had joined a clandestine urban guerilla group. Over two years the torturers went to work on her in São Paulo, Rio and Juiz de Fora. Interviewed by investigators a decade ago Ms Rousseff described beatings, being tied up naked and given electrical shocks to the most sensitive parts of her body, at one session her uterus hemorrhaging.

 

'I remember the fear when my skin trembled,' she said in 2001. 'Something like that marks us for the rest of our lives.'

 

There is an astonishing photograph of Ms Rousseff in court being sentenced to six years jail. She is expressionless, but doesn't cower. Up on the bench are two military judges, both covering their faces, shamed by their service to the dictatorship.

 

* * * * * * * *